JVP’s Bimal Ratnayake acknowledged that Ranil Wickremesinghe had murdered youth as a senior member of a former UNP government. This occurred during a Hiru TV LIVE discussion which can be viewed at https://www.facebook.com/1638173669751848/videos/1658648074371074/.
This undermines the JVP’s blatantly pro UNP campaign that attempts to split the UPFA vote, an effort that no self-respecting JVPer would deny exists. The JVP’s sanctimonious humbug of a campaign is unraveling fast, and the push to divide the UPFA is floundering despite the fantasies of the ruling UNP.
The UNP for instance, banks heavily on the suburban vote that would secure them a heavy majority in Colombo that would offset other potential losses in the interior districts of the country
The UNP has meanwhile proved to be led by a front rank leadership that has to be the most absurdly self-defeating, expedient and cringe inducing ever, at any remembered hustings.
For instance, Harsha De Silva, Colombo district candidate was on Twitter imploring the President to desist from giving Mahinda Rajapaksa UPFA nomination, earlier last month. Didn’t this statistician, masquerading as an economist, not realize that this was another political party, whose nomination list was the least of the UNP’s business?
Didn’t he realize that he was scoring a massive own goal by letting his Twitter audience realize that his only hope for a UNP victory seemed to be by splitting the UPFA — while getting Mahinda Rajapaksa out of its fielded list?
In the last lap of the 2015 election season, more than a few aspects of the state of political play are getting clearer.
Increasingly, this poll seems to look like a rear guard action among those who felt disenfranchised by the stilted nature of the January 8th result.
For all the harping on good governance etc., the result of the 2015 Presidential poll did not reflect the voice of the heartland of this country. One look at the electoral map would prove it.
President Maithripala Sirisena won in the main from the lopsided majorities he got in the minority districts, and the graphic of the electoral victory therefore looked uncannily as if it was a reproduction of Prabhakaran’s Eelam map.
Hence, the term ‘disenfranchisement’.
Some more facts about the electoral dynamics concerning the upcoming poll could be gleaned from some perceptive attempts at enunciating facts, courtesy Gevindu Kumaratune, a fresh young face on the UPFA platform, says he that the new country that the UNP government hopes to create is certainly something that is already physically taking shape. Give the UNP 60 days, and certainly a new country would be born, he claims.
And what would be the result of that promise?
He takes the Eelam map, which looks so much like the present President’s electoral victory map on January 8th — and says that is the new country that is coming!
It’s not news under these circumstances that the battle lines are being clearly drawn. The disenfranchised are fighting back, and they do not want the vast preference for the UPFA in the heartland of the country to be stampeded by a few fringe districts, at this electoral particular outing.
The fact that there are on the UNP platform, some who want to impregnate Sinhala women with ‘Prabhakaran’s semen’, and those who refer to the slain terrorist leader as ‘methithuma’ — the honorable — had made it imperative that the disenfranchised sections of the UPFA redouble their efforts ‘to take back the country.’
It has become in effect a question of honor for the majority of the electorate, and that is a natural result of the deliberate and expedient attempts by the leaders of the rival UNP to exploit the minority vote to their gain.
Don’t other dynamics count? Yes, they do. The UNP for instance, banks heavily on the suburban vote that would secure them a heavy majority in Colombo that would offset other potential losses in the interior districts of the country.
But the grab for Colombo has been less than satisfying and more than a little bit daunting in the face of the fact that the way Kurunegala and Ratnapura go, so goes the nation.
There may have been a few exceptions to that rule, but this would be one occasion in which the majority community decides that it has had enough. Enough of subterfuge, and enough of disenfranchisement.
The overkill by the UNP has also been obscene, and smacks of a tendency of being blown away by the trappings and aura of power.
Those such as Sujeeva Senasinghe and Ravi Karunanayake are the monkeys that seem to have the benefit of the razor blade.
They haven’t the foggiest idea of what it means to wield power, but not be supercilious, overweening, or plain buffoon like and punch-drunk under its influence.
Karunanayake keeps repeating a lie against the palpably obvious which was that an underworld rivalry led to the killings at his Bloemendhal Road rally. Senasinghe holds press conferences to attack police officers who merely did their job by telling him that political meetings with loudspeakers are not allowed under election laws, unless under prior license.
The press conference attack was in itself an act of callous undermining of authority. If Senasinghe had a grouse with the police it would have served him well to be humble about it as he is the individual, hat in hand, begging for the people’s vote, not the policemen.
But Senasinghe leads a snarling attack from the IGP downwards, and shows that he doesn’t take well to being spoken to by the police, even assuming for argument’s sake that he was right, as he claims. In the course of the attack he is heard to say that he is an Attorney at Law, and the Deputy Minister of Justice.
That’s a direct threat to anyone who is not cowed by the heft of his office.But the monkey with the razor blade doesn’t know much about restraint. He asked for a restraining order before a Colombo Court blocking the interim COPE Report, and later withdrew it saying that he or the UNP is not afraid of the COPE Report.
What a travesty of Justice, that the Deputy Minister of Justice is able to get a Court seemingly to act on his whimsy, and block and release reports as and when it pleases him?
In 100 days the UNP proved that if there is one thing the party is not familiar with, its power.
Familiarity with such an outfit breeds contempt, and that’s the affliction that the UNP is bound to suffer from when the disenfranchised claim back their country — substantially, and not just for a short 60 days.